by Peter Barnes
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We all know what private wealth is, even if we don’t own much. It’s property we inherit or accumulate individually, including our fractional claims on corporations and mutual funds. When President Bush speaks of an “Ownership Society,” it’s this kind of wealth he has in mind. But there’s another trove of wealth that’s not so well known: our common wealth. Each of us is the joint recipient of a vast inheritance. This shared inheritance includes air and water, habitats and ecosystems, languages and cultures, science and technologies, social and political systems, and quite a bit more. Though the value of these manifold gifts is hard to calculate, it’s safe to say they’re worth trillions of dollars. Indeed, accord­ing to Friends of the Commons, their aggregate value probably exceeds that of everything we own privately.

There is, of course, a qualitative difference between private and common wealth. Private wealth is normally propertized, common wealth is generally not. You can sell shares of private stock and walk away with cash; you can’t do that with shares of sky. We humans have a long tradition of enjoying gifts of nature and society without legally owning them. It would be sad to end this or any other good tradition. But in some cases, end it we must, for the following reason: much unowned common wealth is in grave danger. It’s in danger both of physical destruction and of enclosure by private corporations (with the latter often leading to the former). Unowned air gets polluted; unowned genes get patented.

Because of capital’s ceaseless quest to grow, anything valuable that isn’t legally nailed down will sooner or later be grabbed or consumed. We could rely on government to protect our common wealth, but that would be to misplace our trust. Government is, most of the time, the handmaiden of profit-maximizing, cost-externalizing capital. Far better, when we have a chance, to lock up common wealth as common prop­erty, to be passed on, undiminished, from one generation to the next.

What are the advantages of doing this? Property rights are powerful human inventions. In essence, they’re social agreements to grant certain people (owners) enforceable privileges. Once established, they’re consti­tutionally protected and very difficult to take away. If private owners use property rights to protect their wealth, why shouldn’t we as common owners do so, too?

Because property rights are so powerful, it’s largely through them that economies are shaped. Feudal economies were based on large estates passed from lords to their eldest sons, alongside commons that sustained the commoners. As capitalism emerged, the commons were enclosed and a slew of new property rights were concocted, almost all designed to confer some advantage on capital owners. Common property—as distinct from common wealth, and from individual or government property—has a long, though little-known, history. Frequently it is property owned by a community—a tribe, a village, a people. Individual rights to share in the property depend on membership. If you’re born into the community, your share is a birthright. Conversely, if you leave the community or die, you lose your rights. Shares aren’t saleable to strangers as they are with corporate stock. Common property is normally managed as a unit on behalf of the whole community. Moreover, future as well as living gener­ations are typically taken into account by the managers. A classic case is the medieval common pasture; its survival for centuries, contrary to the “tragedy” myth, is the ultimate example of sustainable management.

What forms might common property take today? The answer, as you might expect, is varied: conservation easements and outright owner­ship by land trusts, birthrights to property income (á la the Alaska Permanent Fund), “copylefts” that allow noncommercial reproduction (á la Creative Commons licenses), open access and “common carrier” guarantees, pollution permits, “time dollars,” and more. Some of these rights would be tradable, others wouldn’t. Management of the rights would be placed in the hands of trusts, nonprofit corporations, and hybrid entities of various sorts. Managers would be driven not by profit-maximization, but by community-based criteria. I’d nominate four to the top: (1) preserve common assets, such as gifts of nature, for future generations; (2) live off income from shared gifts, not principal; (3) distribute income from shared gifts on a one person, one share basis; and (4) the more the merrier.

Such common property rights would represent the “we” side of the human psyche, just as private property rights represent our “me” side. Both sides, I’d argue, need representation in our economy more or less equally. Common property rights would also manifest our connection to ecosystems, future generations, and nonhuman species, crucial inter­ests that, at present, have no traction in the marketplace. While the main reason we need common property is to save the planet, there’d be ancillary benefits as well. These include nonlabor income for all, a more vibrant culture, and a less-distorted democracy. These benefits would arise because well-managed common wealth adds to well-being in ways private property can’t. The bottom line is this: a true Ownership Society would protect both our private and our common wealth. George Bush isn’t likely to build it, but, over time, we can.

February 22, 2006

From Common Wealth to Common Property

We all know what private wealth is, even if we don’t own much. It’s property we inherit or accumulate individually, including our fractional claims on corporations and mutual funds. When President Bush speaks of an “Ownership Society,” it’s this kind of wealth he has in mind. But there’s another trove of wealth that’s not so well known: our common wealth. Each of us is the joint recipient of a vast inheritance. This shared inheritance includes air and water, habitats and ecosystems, languages and cultures, science and technologies, social and political systems, and quite a bit more. Though the value of these manifold gifts is hard to calculate, it’s safe to say they’re worth trillions of dollars. Indeed, accord­ing to Friends of the Commons, their aggregate value probably exceeds that of everything we own privately.
February 17, 2006

The Real Economy

Stories about the economy typically focus on Gross Domestic Product (GDP), jobs, stock prices, interest rates, retail sales, consumer confi­dence, housing starts, taxes, and assorted other indicators. We hear things like “GDP grew at a 3 percent rate in the fourth quarter, indicat­ing a recovering, healthy economy, but with room for further improve­ment.” Or, “The Fed raised short-term interest rates again to head off inflation.” But do these reports, and the indicators they cite, really tell us how the economy is doing? What is the economy, anyway? And what is this economy for?
February 9, 2006

Local Living Economies: The New Movement for Responsible Business

A socially, environmentally, and financially sustainable global economy must be composed of sustainable local economies. Yet, tragically, from American “Main Streets” to villages in developing countries, corpo­rate globalization is causing the decline of local communities, family businesses, family farms, and natural habitats. Wealth and power are consolidating in growing transnational corporations that wield alarm­ing control over many important aspects of our lives—the food we eat, the clothes we wear, the news we hear, and even the government we rely on to protect the common good.
January 18, 2006

The First Vermont “Republic”: What’s in a Name?

Republic: A system of government in which the people hold sover­eign power and elect representatives who exercise that power. It contrasts, on the one hand, with a pure democracy, in which the people or community as an organized whole wield the sovereign power of government, and on the other with the rule of one person (such as a king, emperor, czar, or sultan). —Black’s Law Dictionary, abridged seventh edition.
January 11, 2006

Our Land, Our Destiny: Vermont Independence Convention Keynote Address

When we think about the destiny of our land, there are a few questions we might ask: What do we mean by “our land?” What has been holding it together? Who are we? And who will we become?
June 18, 2005

The Cultivation of Our Own Tradition

Those of us who lived in Vermont in decades past, and flew in and out of the state periodically, have all had a certain airport experience. No matter where your connection was for your flight to Burlington—Newark or Philadelphia or Cleveland—as you approached the gate for the flight home, you knew it was the Vermont gate without checking the Departures screen. There were still overalls and white beards. The dental care was spotty. There was no sheen to the crowd. You might have been flying to Albania. This isn’t as true as it once was. In some ways, Vermont has caught up with the rest of the country, or, rather, the country has infiltrated Vermont. But it still holds. I still have no trouble distinguishing the Vermont gate from the others. There’s a little less makeup, lower heels. People are more likely to be clutching books, more likely to wear their gray hair with pride.
April 25, 2005

The Second Vermont Republic: Frequently Asked Questions

What is the Second Vermont Republic? The Second Vermont Republic (SVR) is a peaceful, democratic, grass­roots, libertarian populist movement opposed to the tyranny of the U.S. Government, corporate America, and globalization and committed to the return of Vermont to its rightful status as an independent republic, as it was between 1777 and 1791.
April 25, 2005

War and the Second Vermont Republic

Here’s an easy question to invite you into my meanderings: How many times did the first Vermont Republic begin a war? None? Bingo. Okay, there are huge differences between the world of the late eighteenth century and the post-9/11 twenty-first-century world. But there are simi­larities as well, and it is time to reexamine the role of U.S. states and their National Guard units in questions of war and peace, with special emphasis on wars of choice—wars that have no credible relationship to national defense.
April 5, 2005

The Collapse of the American Empire

It is quite ironic: only a decade or so after the idea of the United States as an imperial power came to be accepted by both right and left, and people were able to talk openly about an American empire, it is showing multiple signs of its inability to continue. Indeed, it is now possible to contemplate its collapse. The neocons in power in Washington these days, who were delighted to talk about America as the sole empire in the world following the Soviet disintegration, will of course refuse to believe in any such collapse. But I think it behooves us to examine seriously the ways in which the U.S. system is so drastically imperiling itself that it will cause not only the collapse of its worldwide empire but vast changes on the domestic front as well.
April 5, 2005

Voices for Independence

Why this journal, Vermont Commons? And why now? Vermonters, Americans—indeed, all the world—stand at a widening divide. Not between red and blue, right and left, conservative and liberal, capitalist and socialist, and other such worn political coinage. No, we stand at a truly immense divide: that between our past and our future. Behind us, an experiment in democracy whose energies are still robust, but whose framework—the modern nation state—teeters in all its towering immensity. Behind us stand the great achievements of the Modernist era, molded by one of history’s great forces: centralization. Raw measures of power—governmental, military, scientific, economic, monetary, corporate—have reached levels of magnitude inconceivable a mere generation ago.
March 25, 2005

The Middlebury Declaration

The following declaration—a team effort originally conceived for a 2004 secession conference in Middlebury, Vermont—sets the Vermont independence movement in a national and international context. We gather here to explore the possibilities of a new politics that might provide a realistic and enactable alternative to the familiar sorry politi­cal scene around us. We are convinced that the American empire, now imposing its military might on 153 countries around the world, is as frag­ile as empires historically tend to be, and that it might well implode upon itself in the near future. Before that happens, no matter what shape the United States may take, we believe there is at this moment an opportu­nity to push through new political ideas and projects that will offer true popular participation and genuine democracy. The time to prepare for that is now.